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 Kubilay Kaptan


The premise that innate natural disasters and natural phenomena are ordinarily leans to omit the social sciences in the majority of expenditure on disaster reduction to be reflected. The initial evolution of vulnerability analysis is then grounded in the social sciences, and in a sense has become a political economy of disasters in the analysis of the wasting issues that are usually related with natural hazards. In his analysis of claims that a disaster vulnerability most simple, if there must be a threat not only natural but also a specially vulnerable group. Most of the classic work on disasters has been ruled by the hard sciences and was a product of the importance of natural phenomena have acquired in the procedure of causing the disaster. But this physicalist access is also a consequence of social construction of disasters as consequences that establish the human status, of the nature of a servant (Bates and Peacock, 1993:3).

Also community outreach and the development of plans for crisis communications and public information are vital for the continuity of operations in businesses and to ensure public trust within a community.  Partnerships between public and private entities that have been established and maintained prior to a disaster event will influence the sharing of resources through mutual aid and enable a capability to deliver emergency public information through previously identified channels.  Activities include the identification of publics that will be in need of information and developing communications plans and identifying private resources that can be used in service to the community for response and recovery (Sutton, J., Tierney, K., 2006).

 Political economy and Vulnerability analysis

In the past five years, the concept of vulnerability analysis has to be practiced more often, and in some studies, the concept of vulnerability to disasters has become ordinary. The theme is that the analysis of the endangerments to people and not barely the physical structures that provide a level of mitigation and preparedness, if not socio-economic restructuring. Therefore, an necessary element of linguistic communication to be too normative and prognostic. The focal point should be on the elements of political economy and its affect on the distinction of the people, not just the structures, the locations where a specific hazard is likely to be on strike. (Dreze and Sen, 1994:8).

Most usages of the idea of vulnerability accept that it is part of a continuum or ranking of people, and that being vulnerable is at the 'negative' end of such a scale. Granger has suggested that 'vulnerability of each element at risk within the community can be measured along a contunuum from total resilience at one end to total susceptability at the other.' (Granger, 1997:11).

 Vulnerability Modelling

The scientific discipline at study on disasters inclined to say that most of the proposals for the climate to be prevailed by a focal point on  skilled resolution . These tend to be occupied that factors of the vulnerability of people, peculiarly in the security of society and the planning of technical capability for self-security. moreover, since the primary factors of the reasons of these figures of vulnerability is defined by politics and the economy invalidates vulnerability appraisal as inapplicable to science or very challenging to occupy. Modeling the event is not alone the risk zone with the tsunami disaster scenarios, but besides the close regions that may suffer from diverse configurations of disturbance to different classes of vulnerable people. For example, the loss of an essential origin of occupations due to impairment to buildings is not only a loss for the company and the insurer, but besides the distributed disturbance of livelihoods and the ability of income to actors whose vulnerability may be high to generate. (Cannon, 1997:7) The vulnerability can be seen in the form of five elements:

  • Initial Welfare,

  • self-security,

  • Social security

  • livelihood resiliency and

  • social capital.

 It should be noticed that each of them is intimately associated to, but all are mainly defined by political, economic or social, with the severeness of the predicted consequences of a hazard.

 Initial well-being, Strength and Resilience

This evaluates the initial nutritional and health status of people in everyday life or before the impact of a hazard. It is indicative of their capacity to cope with illness and some types of injury resulting from a hazard. It should include their potential for mental disturbance and recovery in the wake of a disaster, which might intensify existing stresses.

 Livelihood Resilience

A amount of the ability of an individual and / or their homes to the consequences of a collision risk to ask their incomes or living measures and reestablish. This could backup the possible continuation of employment, the level of preservations, loss of welfares, losses or injuries to members of the family, the risk of damage to their normal livelihood activities. The poorest people in the lower classes have less job security after a flood, the lowest level of savings to cushion the impact. In rural employment in the Third World, can flood the labor demand by the destruction of cultures, in which to reduce the people to work normally, and in the cities the probability to win in the formal and informal, is likely to be interrupted or reduced. It can also have negative consequences sex when women find it increasingly difficult to work compared to men back. Women who are dependent on men in the house can also be stored in a victim passive, with less voice in the recovery process in the management structure of the male (Fordham, 1998a:9). On the opposite side of the system is predominantly female genre is professional, and dispose of it to help people recover their ability to (Fordham and Ketteridge, 1998b:10) reduces to search.


Auto Self-security refers to the ability or willingness of individuals and / or family to develop a certain degree of knowledge about the obvious risks, adequate protection, or avoid the situation, live or work in dangerous places. What will be influenced by the level of knowledge about the physical and the ability of people to implement them. With regard to class differences, there are some differences in terms of self-protection. Although superficially it seems that the higher income groups may be a better-built houses and the avoidance of unsafe workplaces to give, it is not so simple. As for ethnic affairs, without prejudice to the ability to generate revenue and the ability of groups to ensure the safety of buildings, and can result in dangerous locations or more marginal land, which produces less maintenance work. The nature of the disease can affect people differently in their ability to use relevant technologies safe design and preparation of the danger.

 Societal Protection

Social security adverts to the ability or willingness of the social and political systems and social policies on individuals or households to the output of particular security for construction and technical jeopardies, to ascertain in particular. This could include local government, national government, organizations and initiatives. Here one might advise that class prejudice by the ruling groups and the lack of political will, can lower levels of security for the poor. This seems to be eligible for the Colonies on steep hillsides in Rio de Janeiro favela in Brazil (Allen, 1994:1), where flash floods and landslides destroying poor communities for some of the richest. Women can also be victims of gender discrimination in the protection of society is heading home, as men have often offered advantageous access to relief supplyings and the possibilities of rehabilitation.

 Social Capital

Social capital consists of soft security functions through the group or community made available to improve the strength of a person. This may be the degree of cohesion or rivalry that may affect the rescue and recovery. There are various forms of social capital to improve or hinder the recovery can be. This includes support for some of them, the mutual support in difficult times. Social capital can include people, cultural resources and the level of education, and things like their ability to deal with the bureaucracy.

Community resilience and social capital evaluations cover community history of natural disasters, uniqueness of local culture, available resources, potential threats, socioeconomic conditions, composition of community members, social capital, and so forth. Studies indicate that certain communities adapt to post-disaster conditions better than others. They tend to bounce back to pre-disaster functions quickly, some even experience posttraumatic growth (Jang, 2008; Linley & Joseph, 2004). Community members strive to use inner strengths as well as outer available resources to face post-disaster life and solve challenges caused by the disaster. This is a demonstration of community resilience. Specialists classifies factors promoting community disaster resilience into three levels: 1) personal-level: factors promoting positive outcome expectancy, such as characteristics of personality, 2.) community-level: factors facilitating community participation and articulating problems, such as community awareness, local culture, resource availability, social support networks, required knowledge and skills and so forth, 3) institutional-level: support to economical and community needs, national policy of disaster prevention and response, and trust the community members have for their governments. (Li-Wen Liu, Li-Ju Jang, Fang-Yie Leu, Jieh-Jiuh Wang, Shu-Twu Wang, 2010:2).

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Abstract   Introduction   Vulnerability    Analysis   Conclusions   References


Date of Publication of this paper: 04 April 2012      Comments open till: 04 October 2012

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